Haslina Binti Omar
Universiti Putra Malaysia
Introduction
Angela Yong‟s parents decided to leave Nang Ming village in China more than eighty years ago and migrate to Sarawak. Their decision to uproot themselves and their children was prompted by the state of living in constant fear of being attacked, robbed and killed by the tubees. Angela decided to tell of her life experiences in the form of an autobiography which was first published in 1998. For some reason, in tracing the “neglected writers of the formative years (1940s-1960s) and the decades that follow (1970s-1990s)” in their book Colonial to Global: Malaysian Women’s Writing in English 1940s-1990s, Nor Faridah Abdul Manaf and Mohammad A. Quayum failed to include Angela Yong, which makes this study all the more necessary. This study will examine One Thing Good But Not Both: A Life in Sarawak (1998) by the Sarawakian author Angela Yong. Angela‟s account of her own life experiences in Sarawak, ranging from the reign of the „White Rajahs‟, British colonial rule, the Japanese occupation, and post-War Malaysia represents not only an experience which the author feels a duty of testimony but also to a physical, embodied allegiance to her family, her friends and women in general. This paper examines a personal narrative of one individual woman‟s unique intercultural perspective and experience as she offers her readers a glimpse into a part of the socio-cultural history of Sarawak.
Methodological Note
This study examines an autobiography of the first Sarawakian woman who has published a collection of autobiographical narratives in English about her life in Sarawak. Women‟s art, according to Morgan, traditionally shows „a sense of the self as plural” (1991). Smith and Watson (feminist scholars of autobiography), claim that “the writing and theorizing of women‟s lives has often occurred in texts that place an emphasis on collective processes” as opposed to men‟s written experiences which emphasize “the sovereignty and universality of the solitary self” (1998: 5). By focusing on women‟s sense of plurality, it is the aim of this study to highlight the development of awareness in an intercultural setting towards identity, individuality, conflict and challenges on the personal, communal and national levels, as revealed in this female autobiography. The experiences of the author will be analysed within the realms of postcolonial feminism.
Throughout this study, I use some concepts from postcolonial feminism theory to examine and investigate the thematic and technical aspects of the autobiography selected for this study. Feminism is of crucial interest to post-colonial discourse for two major reasons. First, both patriarchy and imperialism can be seen to exert analogous forms of domination over those they render subordinate. Hence the experiences of women in patriarchy and those of colonized subjects can be paralleled in a number of respects, and both feminist and post-colonial politics oppose such dominance.
The texts of postcolonial feminism concur many aspects of the theory of identity, of difference and of the interpellation of the subject by a dominant discourse, as well as offering to each other various strategies of resistance to such controls. However critics argue that colonialism operated very differently for women and for men, and the “double colonization” that resulted when women were subject both to general discrimination as colonial subjects and specific discrimination as women needs to be taken into account in any analysis of colonial oppression (Spivak 1985a, 1985b, 1985c and 1986; Mohanty 1984; Suleri 1992). Even post-independence practices of anti-colonial nationalism are not free from this kind of gender bias, and constructions of the traditional or pre-colonial are often heavily inflected by a contemporary masculinist bias that falsely represents “native” women as quietist and subordinate.
In this study, much space is given to the analysis of the thematic concerns of the Sarawakian female writer whose autobiography has been selected for analysis as she appeals to her memory. When discussing the issue of memory both personal and political, Edward Said wrote in his book Orientalism, “Memory and its representations touch very significantly upon questions of identity, of nationalism, of power and authority” (Said, 2000). Mary Warnock writes “we will think of memory, then, as that by the possession of which an animal learns from experience” (1987: 6, emphasis in original). Warnock says shortly after that “what is essential for an examination of the way in which memory is valued by humans is to grasp the complexity of the phenomenon” (13). Human memory is self-representational. It secures our identities, is at the core of our practices of responsibility, and is the basis of our sense of temporality. Many theorists have begun to write eloquently about the relation of memory to place – how we remember through our environments that then hold memory for us – and about the importance of a sense of place to identity. According to Paula Saukko (2003) by:
Keeping an eye on the social context, in making sense of neglected lived realities, puts them in perspective. It illuminates the partiality and relative importance of lived views but also makes them speak for, and against, the wider social context that has rendered them silenced or marginalized in the first place (58).
Geographical and Historical Sketches
Sarawak is geographically part of Borneo and the state did not exist politically until Brooke rule began in 1841 (Chin, 1981). Chin‟s book “The Sarawak Chinese”, which examines Sarawak‟s Chinese community, their origins, cultures, and customs, states that this community “accounts for one-third of the country‟s total population and whose contribution to its social, economic, and political life has been largely responsible” for the growth and development of this “one-time exotic eastern kingdom ruled for a century by autocratic Europeans” (viii).
Sarawak was ruled by the Brooke family in the absence of interference from any Western colonial power. Sarawak was only recognized by Britain in 1863 and became a British Protectorate from 1888 until December 1941 when the Japanese Occupied Sarawak (Naimah, 2000). According to Daniel Chew in his book Chinese Pioneers on the Sarawak Frontier 1841-1941, James Brooke “looked to the Chinese, whom he hoped would be the pioneers to dig the mines, farm the land, and trade with the natives” (2004, 203). Brooke had written about his view of the role of the Chinese:
Where a Chinaman is found, there the land flourishes, mines a dug, and produce of every description is procured. The Chinese are highly calculated to develop the Dayak, neither have any prejudice of religion, they intermarry, and the Dayaks fall into the category of the Chinese and imitates their industry.
(Chinese Pioneers on the Sarawak Frontier 1841-1941, 211)
Chew explained that “in most of Sarawak, an imposing jungle and a multitude of rivers presented neither mining nor planting opportunities, and a different kind of livelihood in trading had to be taken up instead” by Sarawak‟s Chinese pioneers (4). Chew further revealed that “Brooke policies on Chinese migration encouraged the growth of Sibu,” (5) which was a town originally comprising of “mixed Malay or Muslim-animist native settlements” (5) but eventually became a Chinese-dominant centre. This way of life is also reflected in Angela Yong‟s autobiography when she describes her life with her family and later, her husband:
Telok Bango was very near to Sibu. My grandfather and my future husband‟s grandfather had come to Sarawak earlier. They had received land in the lower Rejang River in Sungei Taksang, Ensurai, Apoh, and Sungei Empawah. We came later so we were given land in Telok Bango, along the Igan River. (One Thing Good But Not Both 5)
Mee Chiong was alone in Binatang, hungry and without money. One day he met a man called Si Kuoh. This man was also looking for work. They decided to make a small living trading. They put kajang on top of the sampan and used kajang to make the walls too. They rowed the sampan to the sea coast. There they went looking for snails. After catching enough snails, they rowed back to Binatang and sold them there. This did not make them much money. (One Thing Good But Not Both 59)
Even during the Japanese Occupation in 1941, the river continued to be an important means of transportation:
I often went to Sungei Taksang where the nuns lived during the war. The nuns had moved to Sungei Taksang to awoid the Japanese. Sungei Taksang is many miles downriver from Sibu on Batang Rejang. There was a mission school there called Teck Kwong School. The nuns lived there. (61 – 62)
Even shops were built along the river:
The shops in the bazaar were built along the river. There was one row facing the River Rejang and another facing the Kanowit River. The shops were wooden ones. They were built after the war, after the old bazaar burnt down. In 1951, the shophouses were burnt burnt down again. This time the local shopowners decided to build concrete shops.(92)
Families depended on the river for survival, but there were dangers they had to face:
There was no electricity or tap water in Kanowit at that time. We finally got piped water, around 1960, but before that, most women still preferred to wash their clothes in the river. People were thrifty. River water was plentiful so the clothes were cleaner. (100)
There is always one thing good but never both. Water was plentiful and free in the river but what happened when we dropped the soap in the river? Soap cost money too. Sometimes when the motor launches came, the big waves swept away everything – pails, clothes. We always had to look out for the boats. The big waves even swept away small children. (100)
Earlier autobiographies written by women depicting life in Sarawak were those by the wives of the second and third White Rajahs of Sarawak, Margaret Brooke and Lady Sylvia Brooke. Margaret Brooke‟s autobiography, entitled My Life in Sarawak, was published in London in 1913, whereas Lady Sylvia Brooke‟s autobiography, entitled Queen of the Head-Hunters, was published in London in 1970. They were British ladies who followed their husbands after marriage to live in Sarawak, a place they had never been before and assimilate with the natives who comprise of Malays, Chinese, Ibans, Bidayus and other natives.
In the early 1870s, Margaret Brooke followed her husband Charles Brooke, the nephew and successor to the first English Rajah of Sarawak, to Sarawak for the first time. Even she was familiar with the rivers in Sarawak and was much aware of their significance:
The rivers Lundu, Sarawak, Sadong, Batang Lupar, Saribas, Kalaka, and Rejang flow into the Bay of Sarawak. The rivers Oya and Muka (from which two rivers an important trade with sago is carried on), Bintulu and Baram, are situated in the more northern portion of the territory. (My Life in Sarawak 1913)
The sound of water is heard everywhere; houses are built for the most part on the banks of rivers or streams, so that the tide, as it swishes backwards and forwards, is heard by day and night; daily showers drip on to one‟s habitation, and the noise of paddles – for the people use the river as Europeans use their streets – is never lacking.
(My Life in Sarawak 16-17)
Margaret recorded her observations of the various groups of people who contribute to Sarawak‟s diverse culture:
Malay and Milanoes have their settlements on or near the coast, within reach of the tide….Land Dyaks dwell amongst the mountains and hills south of Kuching; Sea Dyaks frequent the Batang Lupar, Saribas, Kalaka, and Rejang Rivers; Kayans live more inland, and their tribes are supposed to have settlements right across from west to east of the northern portion of Borneo; nor must we forget the Chinese immigrants who have settlements all over the principality, and who invade it in increasing numbers with every succeeding year, greatly adding to the prosperity of the country. (16)
Biographical Sketch
Angela Yong was born in China in 1926, the year her parents, of Foochow origin from the village of Nang Ming, migrated to Sarawak. Life was difficult for them and when Angela‟s father died and they had not enough to eat, Angela‟s mother sent her children to a Roman Catholic Mission in Sibu, in 1932. Even at the convent, life was not easy for Angela and the other orphans as there were many instances when they had not enough to eat. When the Japanese invaded Sarawak in 1942, Angela married Mee Chiong as there were serious concerns about the fate of young girls for there were rumours that the Japanese soldiers were going around raping girls (One Thing Good But Not Both, 1998). Their first child was born in 1943 and was named William. Their second child, Mary, was born in 1946. In 1947, Angela and her family moved to Kanowit where initially, Mee Chiong started teaching at St. Francis Xavier primary school and then later, Angela became a teacher there in 1948. Angela only had a Standard Five education but after an interview with Mr Robinson, the Education Director, she received her “Teaching Certificate from Kuching as well as a Standard Seven certificate” (94). From 1948 to 1967, Angela gave birth to eleven more children. In 1957, she worked as a translator to an American doctor by the name of Dr Cooper. They worked in a small hospital in the Catholic mission called St Joseph‟s Hospital (125). In 1962, Angela was appointed by Miss O‟Kelly, an official of the International Women‟s Institute, “to be the adviser to the newly formed Women‟s Institute in Kanowit” (115). She assumed this position until 1967 and moved back to Sibu after twenty years in Kanowit. Mee Chiong retired in 1975 and started a small wholesale business until he passed away in 1987 at the age of 67. Angela Yong is still living in Sibu and is awaiting the launch of her latest book entitled Inai Maram (http://thestar.com.my/metro/story.asp?file=/2010/7/23/sarawak/6707722&sec=sarawak).
Analysis
One Thing Good, But Not Both: A Life in Sarawak is an “ordinary citizen‟s” (One Thing Good But Not Both, 1998) autobiography, beginning with Angela‟s grandfather‟s decision to give one of his sons (Angela‟s father) to a relative to be adopted so that the relative can carry on the family line (boy to carry on the surname) or else he will experience kuk (much dreaded by the Chinese). Angela‟s father was adopted by a fairly well-to-do relative but their comfortable life was disrupted by thugs which the Foochow Chinese called tubees. This opening account foreshadows the emigration that takes place not long after the birth of Angela Yong in 1926.
Many people had already migrated to Sarawak. My parents decided to migrate also because of the tubees. Two months later, everything was ready. We were to go to the South Seas, also called the Nang Yong. The way to the seaport was far. There were no cars. My mother and the small ones sat in the sedan chair. My father paid two men to carry our goods, especially the two jars of salted vegetables. What was the use of salted vegetables? It turns out that my father had hidden Chinese gold coins underneath those vegetables. (One Thing Good, But Not Both,3-4)
In 1932, when Angela was six years old, having lost her father and living in a state of poverty, Angela, her nine year old brother (Ah See) and her four year old sister (See Moi) were sent to a Roman Catholic mission by her mother and was taken in by Mother Dorothea, an English nun who did not speak a word of Foochow. That was to be Angela and her sibling‟s first encounters with English women (Mother Dorothea and Sister Joan) and the wonder of the electric light bulb.
That night we were given a mat and an old blanket each. I could not sleep. I started missing my mother. I cried and cried. My brother Ah See cried too. He cried loudly until he began to shout. Sister Joan came in. She was an Englishwoman – short and thin, with a small round face. She came to stop us from crying, but we couldn‟t understand her. She took a big cane and threatened to beat us. After that we stopped crying. As I lay down, I noticed the light on the ceiling. It was the same light I had seen in the shop. I thought again that my mother was very foolish. Why didn‟t she look for a thing like this instead of a little smelly lamp? (14)
Angela‟s mother (a Foochow Chinese woman heavily entrenched in tradition) who almost drowned her when she was born because of her belief in a Chinese custom of the auspiciousness of having baby boys was the very person responsible in introducing the cultural “transformation” into the lives of her children, including Angela. The children were baptized and given Christian names (15). The introduction of Western practices, religion and identity (their names were changed from Ah See to Thomas, See Moi to Alice and Mee Ing to Angela) and separation from their mother and home proved difficult for the little children. For a whole year, their mother never came to see them (she “was chased away” by the nuns each time she came to visit her children) and when they were allowed to return home for the holidays, Angela “could not speak Nang Ming words anymore” (17).
Thomas asked her, “Ah Neh, why didn‟t you go to see us?” (We called mother Ah Neh.)
My mother said, “I went there many times. Each time, I was chased away. The nuns said you were still homesick. After that I never went to see you.”
The holidays went by quickly. Soon one month had passed. My mother said, “Ah Meen, tomorrow you people must go back to school”. I felt unhappy. I thought that the convent was good, but still our little house was better. (17 – 18)
The nuns undoubtedly played a significant role in shaping the growing years of Angela and her siblings and preventing the carrying out of accepted Chinese practices of the time; like “mothers would try to sell their children” after they turned twelve (19) like what happened to Angela‟s sister.
Angela is quick in highlighting the difference in gender roles even among children when she described how when they went home for the holidays, the girls would have “to help mother pull the garden grass, gather wood for fire, and do other housework” but Thomas “never helped” (19).
Immersed in a life of poverty both at home and at the convent, Angela praises the part the convent played in ensuring that the children could read and write and taught useful skills like making children‟s clothing (25). When the convent needed money to raise funds for Christmas presents, Angela and the other “orphans” (25), as they were referred to, were taught English dances (including the “tap dance” and the “Irish jig”) and plays by their English nun, Sister Joan. The Chinese nuns taught them Chinese dances and sketches. Angela obviously developed an interest in these European and Chinese cultural dances from her convent days, for many years later, she “taught these same dances in the mission school in Kanowit whenever there was a concert” (31). As we read about Angela‟s life in Sarawak in the early days, the reader sees the “sorting of culture from culture” (Hokenson, 1995) and “explores the relation between the culture and the interpreter as one of mutual revision” (345). Angela, the “ordinary citizen”, develops an “intercultural self constructed of conflicting cultures” (345). She was perhaps not an
unusual convent girl of ethnic Chinese origin, but she became quite an unusual adult who saw no reason not to be the first Sarawakian woman to have a collection of autobiographical works based on her experiences written in English. This year, at 84 years old, Angela has come up with her latest book entitled Inai Maram.
In 1957, Angela worked as a translator for an American doctor from Albany, New York called Dr Cooper. He was the only doctor in Kanowit at that time and Angela was his translator because she could speak “English, Malay, Iban, an several Chinese dialects” (128).
In a small village like Kanowit, we did not have a doctor. All we had was a dresser who worked in the government dispensary, a little clinic. We had a small hospital in the Catholic mission. It was called St. Joseph‟s Hospital and had twenty beds. Three nuns ran the hospital. They were not doctors, only trained nurses. They were Mother Jerome, a big size person, Sister Otheran, a thin, tall person, and Sister Joseph, also a big size person. That was where Dr Cooper came to work. (125)
Even though the Foochow Chinese were said to have retained much of their “Chineseness” (Chew,255), Angela‟s assimilation into Malay culture and language is reflected in her autobiography through phrases and words like “attap” (6), “kajang” (6), “changkok manis” (9), “trumpat” (20), “kurang hajah” (26), “utan” (29), “Buah Limbo”(30), “goyang kaki” (43) and “penjamun” (43). Her familiarity with the Ibans is depicted in her accounts of the assistance they provided in time of need:
We reached Gramai. Many Ibans came to help carry our things. Gramai is right in the middle of a jungle. There were tall trees everywhere. The longhouse where the Ibans lived was right on the banks of the Kanowit river. (47)
I saw the Ibans. I was so afraid I hid behind a tree. The Ibans came near. They said to me, “Anang takut, kami orang sembahyang,” which meant, “Don‟t be afraid, we are praying people.”…In actual fact, the Ibans are a very good and friendly people as we found out in Gramai. (49)
Angela‟s role as the first adviser to the Women‟s Institute in Kanowit from 1962 to 1967 was one she enjoyed and her appointment to the position by Miss O‟Kelly (an official of the International Women‟s Institute) reflected upon the abilities that she had as intercultural leader.
Around 1962, an English lady by the name of Miss O‟Reilly came to Kanowit. She was an official of the International Women‟s Institute. I was asked to meet her at the District office. To my surprise, she asked me to be the adviser to the newly formed Women‟s Institute in Kanowit. So, I became an adviser to the organization. The group was called Serakop Indu, and consisted of a Chinese, a Malay, and an Iban group. We met once a week and learnt sewing, dressmaking and baking. Some of the younger members wanted to learn dancing, so we even learnt dancing in the meetings. During the annual regatta, we organized baby shows and sold flowers. I enjoyed our activities very much, but had to resign from the group when I moved to Si8 in 1967. (115)
The autobiographical narratives of women provide a rich and diverse source of information on women and gender issues (Smith and Watson, 2001). Angela‟s autobiography reflects the views of an era, thereby giving a historically intercultural perspective of its own. As a historian Daniel Chew may have noted that the “social structure of the Foochows encouraged them to retain their „Chineseness‟” (Chinese Pioneers of the Sarawak Frontier 1841-1941, 2004) but in One Thing Good But Not Both: A Life in Sarawak (an autobiographical text), Angela shows a personal and intimate account that highlights the intercultural bond that appears missing in most history books. The uniqueness of autobiographical accounts is revealed as they become “both the process and the product of assigning meaning to a series of experiences after they have taken place, by means of juxtaposition, commentary, omission (Sidonie Smith 1987).
Angela‟s intercultural experiences allowed her the voice to make comments on what she viewed as not the right thing to do even though it concerned her own culture:
“To school,” I thought, “Oh, I would also like to go to school.” I took courage and said, “Ma, I want to go to school also.”
Instead of telling me that perhaps I was still too small, she said loudly, “We have no rice to eat and you, you want to go to school!” I was very disappointed. People always considered girls to be useless. Moreover, girls got married and ended up belonging to another family. (One Thing Good But Not Both, 10)
The killing of baby girls and the selling of women were patriarchal Chinese practices which Angela opposed and saw them necessary to be mentioned in her autobiography:
One day in 1926, at 12 noon, my mother gave birth to a girl. She did not want the baby girl – she wanted to drown her. My father said, “This is my second daughter – it is not to many,” and so the poor little thing was saved. That baby was me, Angela Yong Mee Ing. (3)
In olden days in China, many baby girls were drowned or buried alive when they were born because parents said girls were useless.
The grandfather in my husband‟s house said burying a baby was not easy. He told us that he had buried over a dozen baby girls. The newborn baby was put in a basket with the placenta still on its body. As long as the placenta was on the baby, it was considered not a human being and could be killed. When the cord was cut, it became a human being and was not allowed to be killed. (79)
Very often my father-in-law asked Mee Chiong to sell me. I told my husband, “I am not an animal or a pig or a goat. If your father thinks that you can get a better wife with a rubber garden, we can get divorced. I can easily pay you back the hundred dollar dowry.”
One day, his father asked his son to sell me again. This time, Mee Chiong was really angry. He said loudly, because his father was a little deaf, “I, a husband, cannot sell my wife. If you, the father-in-law, want to sell his daughter-in-law, you can do so.” From that day on, he never dared to ask Mee Chiong to sell his wife again. (61)
CONCLUSION
In a country where different languages and dialects and cultural ideologies of self (and gender and race) overlap, Angela Yong‟s portrayal of life in Sarawak reveals to her readers an identity she has discovered and negotiated a compromise in achieving. Her intercultural perspective navigates between cultures she was born into and she grew up in and gives her readers a rare taste of an intercultural writing of a Sarawakian female writer. Gilbert (1993) argues, narratives “have a functional role in our culture: we live a good deal of our lives on the power of various stories, and it is through stories that we position ourselves in relation to others, and are ourselves positioned by the stories of our culture.” Angela Yong, a first-generation Sarawakian woman, has displayed in her autobiography a sense of interidentity as the observant and knowing subject of the experiences of an intercultural Sarawakian life from the early days. She sees her story as “an ordinary citizen”, worth being told as she fills the absences and breaks the silences that are as much a part of our history as the articulate ones.
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Yong, Angela. One Thing Good But Not Both: A Life in Sarawak. Texas: Herne Bay Productions, 1998.
Author Angela Yong comes up with new book (Friday, July 23, 2010)
(http://thestar.com.my/metro/story.asp?file=/2010/7/23/sarawak/6707722&sec=sarawak).
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